In the absence of school, work, and other obligations, and in the presence of our devices, which for the time being our only ways of access to our friends and family and the “outside world,” what better way to spend one’s newly acquired leisure time than to lie on one’s bed and entertain oneself by scrolling through one’s TikTok feed and watching the latest trends as they play out on the “For You” page? Whether or not this is better classified as “using” or “wasting” one’s time, for many it is their only way of staying sane; love it or hate it, TikTok serves as a community in these times, an outlet where people can interact with others and express themselves, get a laugh, or maybe make new friends. During times of crisis, we look for comfort in humor and other people. And when you pair this with the fact that everyone is locked in one place, with nothing better to do, you get a recipe for immense productivity and creativity, everyone looking to outdo each other in their jokes and skits. As a result, we witness dozens of trends on TikTok, some funny and original, others not so much, but all of them united by one thing: time. That is, while the content might differ dramatically, it is the form, or character, of trends that remains universal, namely that they all last for a brief period of time before “dying out,” or becoming unfunny and overused, then abandoned. In this post, inspired by a TikTok live stream, I want to explore what a trend is, what role TikTok plays in trends, and what makes trends problematic.
What are trends?
What is a trend? The answer would appear obvious, seeing as we have all experienced trends. It is, simply, a temporary popular movement; it is when a lot of people like something for a short period of time. However, we can also get technical because, on the sociological level, there are different ways of classifying collective behaviors. For example, we might now ask, “What is the difference between a trend, a fashion, and a fad?” Some will answer that a fashion is more historical, a fad more crazed, and a trend more lasting. Right away, though, we come up against the conflict of the lay and the educated: often, our attempts to classify, that is, to be scientific, are opposed to the way we experience things as they really happen. In other words, language is shared and, for lack of a better word, ordinary; rarely would we stop to consider and debate the merits of a fad versus a fashion. In everyday life, we do not speak so precisely. This ambiguity is evident in the way we speak for the most part: we say that a video “is trending,” or there is a “trending hashtag,” or it is “fashionable to….” It would seem, then, that a classification is not appropriate here. Again, we settle with the common consensus in saying that a trend is a short-lived burst of attention and attraction to a behavior or appearance. All trends tend; each movement is directed toward something, follows a course.
To explain how this collective behavior comes about, we can look to one of the founders of crowd psychology, Gustave Le Bon, who in 1895 published The Crowd, initiating the academic interest in mass movements. According to Le Bon, a crowd is distinguished from an ordinary group by two criteria:
- deindividuation
- the law of mental unity.
In order to be a crowd, the members of the group must give up their sense of personhood and have a common purpose. Hence, numbers do not matter; a crowd can be three people or it can be 50, just as long as it believes the same thing. Our idea of mob/herd mentality, or of a “hivemind,” originates from Le Bon’s work, in which he writes that the group assumes a collective mind, one that speaks for everyone involved. The collective mind is like the Leviathan in the English philosopher Thomas Hobbes’ political theory, the monarch who, by representing all individuals, thereby takes away their freedom. Since it is a “collective,” this mob mentality is greater than the sum of its parts, making it an entity of its own. No longer do the members make their own decisions; the mind makes it for them, and they obey it. It is as if each member dissolves into the collective.
Clicking on the sound of a TikTok, one sees everyone else who has used that same sound, and sees, more importantly, the repetition which occurs. It is usually the case that, as one scrolls through the “For You” page, one skips over the videos without much thought; it does not matter to us who made the video, unless, for some reason, it makes an impression on us; but what this shows us is that every single person who contributes to a trend on TikTok is essentially forgotten, overlooked by the bigger figures like Addison Rae, so that it would seem they are but a part in a big machine that rolls on without them. They are mere footnotes in trend history.
Another thing Le Bon observed about crowds is their susceptibility to influence, which is made possible by irrationality. It is very easy, he said, to use specific words in order to bring about action. Words are powerful because they conjure up images, emotions, and connotations. We act “as if [short syllables] contained the solution of all problems,” Le Bon wrote (The Crowd, 96). These “short syllables,” moreover, are more powerful depending on their vagueness. When we think we know what a word means, when it awakens an association within us, we are subject to manipulation. Someone can easily shape a crowd’s perception by abusing language by cloaking or redefining a word—e.g., chivalry devolves into “simpery,” making an otherwise- positive gesture negative—a problem to which I will return later.
The most important implication of the crowd, though, is their attitude toward truth. This is particularly problematic today because we are living in a post-truth era, when objectivity is discarded. Not only do crowds inherently believe anything, but the added skepticism of our age only worsens this tendency. As such, the psychologically and now-historically conditioned disregard of truth endangers our communication. Only ignorance can follow hence.
Of course, Le Bon was writing over 100 years ago and, since his time, we have come up with more updated theories of social behavior, like emergent-norm theory, according to which a crowd will form when we are confronted with a confusing situation and need a strong principle to follow, and value-added theory, which states that crowd formation requires
- awareness of a problem
- tension
- common beliefs
- provocation
- organization
- reactivity.
Both of these sociological theories try to develop Le Bon’s by rationalizing individuals’ behaviors.
What is TikTok?
Now we can look at the exact role that TikTok has and how trends work there. To do this, it is important that we understand the function of TikTok. As a social media application, TikTok assumes its role as an extension of the public sphere. The public sphere is where we interact with others. Schools are a form of the public sphere because, in between classes, we get to talk with our peers and socialize. A better example would be any city, as that is clearly “public”; we are able to go to a coffee shop, order a coffee, and immerse ourselves amidst other people. But sociologists see the public sphere as doing more than just allowing us to socialize; fundamentally, the public sphere allows for socialization, “the lifelong process in which people learn the attitudes, values, and behaviors appropriate for members of a particular culture” (Schaefer, Sociology, 9th ed., p. 99). Put another way, the public sphere is where we are educated culturally and socially. Thus, we can see how TikTok might perform this task of socialization because it brings a bunch of people together in one place to learn and enforce what we should and should not do.
However, it might seem strange to describe TikTok as a public sphere—and rightly so. Earlier, I described it as an “extension of the public sphere,” which is more accurate. In fact, TikTok is unique because it constitutes a new sphere, what we would call the cybersphere. See, unlike a school or a downtown plaza, TikTok cannot be located on a map; I cannot say, “I’m going to TikTok to see a video.” Unlike the public sphere, TikTok’s cybersphere is virtual: it is spaceless. Recently, sociologists have accepted that crowds can now form without being in contact with one another (recall that Le Bon discounted quantity). Crowds are a type of “secondary group,” a gathering of people who do not know each other, are not close, and do not meet up frequently. TikTok users come from all over the world, and TikTok, while being a social media app, is not like Instagram or Facebook that tries to develop connections, but operates on short, impersonal interactions.
One consequence of this is anonymity. Le Bon said that a crowd consists of deindividualized members, people who, in joining the crowd, lose their self-awareness. Likewise, on the Internet, or on TikTok, users (the fact that we call ourselves “users” demonstrates this very impersonality!) can create their own profiles, which means making up a name for oneself, ridding oneself of one’s identity. At school, people know our names, know who we are; online, however, we are a blank slate, so nobody can hold us accountable. This is what makes cyberbullying prevalent: we cannot be held responsible because nobody knows who we are behind a screen. Putting this all together, one comes to a frightening thought: if the cybersphere simultaneously socializes—tells us what to value—and deindividualizes—takes away responsibility and selfhood—then to whom are we listening, and from where are we getting these so-called values? The psychoanalyst Erich Fromm called this “anonymous authority”—when we adopt values from seemingly nobody. After all, we can say that a trend on TikTok is perpetuated by individuals, and perhaps put together a chronology of who said what when, but at the end of the day, the truth is that it is not just one person to blame; on TikTok, values are truly anonymous (the word literally means “without a name”).
Yet we can still add to this because Le Bon noted that a crowd is led; any crowd requires an opinion leader, someone popular or respected whose voice galvanizes. One of the core values of many TikTokkers is originality. People who use TikTok scorn those who copy something without crediting the creator. The original poster, the trendsetter, the one who sets the trend in motion, thus assumes the role of opinion leader. An example should suffice: the use of “Simp Nation” started by polo.boyy quickly spread, with many making their own spin-offs and commenting on others while tagging polo.boyy asking, “Is (s)he valid?”—i.e., do they live up to the original? Let us explore another aspect of TikTok now.
In sociology, gatekeeping is the process of filtering information. Media like CNN and Fox, for example, are gatekeepers because they let in certain information based on their agendas while blocking other information from getting through. CNN is more liberal, Fox more conservative, so they approve of different norms, which influences their output. Gatekeeping exists to protect and perpetuate dominant ideologies in a culture, beliefs that are held by powerful groups and which allow them to hold power over others. This leads to the oppression or silencing of certain minorities in most cases. So is TikTok a gatekeeper? At first glance, it would appear not. The question seems extreme. TikTok is not a news organization, you might say, so there is no need to block things. But is that so?
A look at the algorithms should tell us… only, we cannot look at them because TikTok, run by a Chinese company, does not make its algorithm public. However, efforts have been made to understand at least a little about the algorithms, such that we know it operates according to a process called “collaborative filtering,” which makes predictions based on our past history as well as what other people like. The videos that appear on our “For You” page are therefore tricky at best. Several experiments have been conducted to show that, based on one’s liking tendencies, certain viewpoints become favored. This seems like commonsense. What makes this troublesome, however, is the blurred distinction between description and prescription: is TikTok recommending things that we really like or that we should like? Is it just building off our preferences or imposing its own? Does it describe us or prescribe to us?
On the one hand, we users are responsible for what we choose to like and dislike, which influences what we see; though on the other, it is possible for the algorithm to disproportionately impose certain views on us, regardless of our liking for them—it assumes our likes, in other words. Just because I like a video that happens to be conservative, for example, does not mean that I like conservative content. Shouldn’t the algorithm be based on providing us with new, fresh, funny, and original content instead of categorizing us? As a result of collaborative filtering, TikTok creates “filter bubbles,” specialized niches that, in accordance with gatekeeping, block us from certain things, exposing us only to those which have been selected. We can become easily trapped in these bubbles, unable to escape. The app becomes a positive feedback loop where, upon liking one thing, it brings me to a similar one, the liking of which will bring me more and more similar ones, etc. It is easy to see how views can become polarized on TikTok.
Polarization is something that ought to be taken seriously. Many of us, when we hear the word “polarize,” think it means “to break apart,” which is indeed one of its meanings—”to fragment.” However, psychologically, its meaning is much more important. Already, within the word, we see “polar”—think North and South Pole. The phenomenon of group polarization, therefore, refers to radicalization; it is when groups become extreme in their original views. Just as the North and South are opposite each other, never able to meet, so groups that are polarized are at opposite extremes and refuse conciliation. Polarization is a matter of pulling-apart, dividing. Consequently, we form in-groups with which we identify and out-groups which we designate as the enemy. Collaborative filtering creates filter bubbles, which polarize individuals into groups, creating an “us vs. them” mentality. Thus, we see the inevitable introduction of identity politics into TikTok.
Case study: sexism
Now, I wish to demonstrate what has just been said through an illustrative case study based on some of my own observations, in the hopes of providing insight into the collective behavior that takes place over TikTok. Specifically, I want to look at the case of sexism on TikTok. To begin, what is sexism? I shall define it as prejudice, or negative appraisal, toward members of another sex. Sexism is believing one sex is superior to another. (It should be noted that while it can affect men, sexism is primarily directed toward women.) Furthermore, one of the things which distinguishes sexism from other -isms and -phobias is its ambivalent character. Researchers contend that there are two types:
- benevolent sexism, based on patronizing and diminution
- hostile sexism, based on explicit hatred and discrimination.
Feminist theory seeks to critique society from the viewpoint of women. While it identifies many problems, here are three examples:
- women are underrepresented in education, politics, and more
- media proliferates stereotypes about women
- society enforces roles and male-dominated discourse, or the patriarchy.
My intention in bringing these up is not to evaluate these claims, to say whether they are right or wrong, to challenge their fundamental beliefs as many are wont to do; instead, I present them to be considered further, on the assumption that they say something important about our society. Undeniably, our views of the sexes is shaped by gender roles, the existence of which is incontestable. Here in the U.S., for example, we have notoriously taken varying attitudes toward women since the ‘50s. Gender roles are expectations for how men and women are supposed to behave, and they are kept alive by normative rewards and punishments, usually in social, political, or emotional forms.
What does this have to do with TikTok? Frankly, it is uncontroversial to state that TikTok is a place of tremendous strife with regards to sexism and prejudice in general. In reaction to the ‘50s, and reaching its heights in the ‘70s, the Women’s Liberation Movement made great strides forward in advancing women’s standing in America. When I was younger, having been raised in a small, friendly, and liberal city, I took it for granted that men and women were equal; I did not understand why people claimed women were lesser in any way. This might just be a purely subjective judgment, although maybe some will feel the same, but I feel that, moving in the direction toward liberal progress, the U.S. has become complacent, leading many, including myself, to falsely believe that we live in a post-sexist society—that is to say, as we have become more progressive, we believe we have “moved past/beyond” sexism. What this does is silence the matter, and de-problematize it.
What leads me to say this? Well, one might argue that TikTok, for example, is perfectly democratic because, like the American Dream’s promise of making anyone rich, the TikTok Dream’s promise of making anyone famous (if only for a while) is open to everyone. Creators can be male, female, non-binary, young, old, white, black—it matters not… or does it? Despite our apparent liberalism, sexism is far from gone. Take, for instance, the following remarks that can be found in pretty much any comment section: “If a male made this, it would be funny,” “Waiting for a guy to remake this…,” “The ‘f’ in woman stands for funny,” “You’re actually funny for a female,” “What? A woman who’s funny?,” “We did it boys, we found one that’s actually funny!,” etc. If anything, these myriad comments indicate that sexism—the belief in the superiority of one sex over another—is as strong as it has ever been.
Is it the expression of “the people”? Is it representative of our times? I shall address this later. The fact is, each of the above cited quotations is evidence of a lingering patriarchy or—if you prefer to deny the existence thereof—male dominance. Is it really indicative of sexism, though? Isn’t it just an observation that, perhaps, this guy happened to be funnier than the average girl? That is to say, couldn’t they just be preferences for humor, not motivated by negative attitudes toward women? No, it is most definitely motivated by sexism: “Men are more likely… to minimize the contributions and ideas of members of the opposite sex,” reports one author (Schaefer, p. 288). The matter at hand is competency, and men are denying it. To be sure, if someone were to comment, “Men are stronger than women,” then I would agree insofar as that is a biological, objective truth; however, to apply this level of competency to the comedic level, which, mind you, is subjective, and to declare that women are not as funny as men, is not a matter of fact but a matter of personal beliefs—though not good ones. We men are taught at a young age that we are the more “successful” sex, success being measured by our wealth, our social status, our political standing, etc. It would seem logical that humor would be yet another category that we claim for ourselves; we assume that we are better than women, so we must be funnier, too, a fortiori. To deny a sex’s humor is blatantly sexist; it is a denial of opportunity and an act of degradation.
One of the more interesting, and perhaps nuanced, aspects of this sexism on TikTok is the word “female.” But what’s the issue with “female,” you ask? I, too, was not entirely sure until one night when I was watching a live stream, and the host was expressing her views on it. She said the word, for her, was immature and degrading. Admittedly, I was confused because, after all, the word “female” is a common one, one used in everyday language, so what could be so controversial about it? As she explained, though, how it was “unnatural”—forced—and thus overly formal—a cop might say, for instance, “The suspect is a female”—it made sense to me. It seems entirely acceptable to play this off as just being “oversensitive” or a “snowflake”—I thought so myself as she first began—but when I really thought about it, I realized what it really meant. To me, the word “female” has an objectifying character. By objectifying, I do not mean sexualizing, however; instead, what I mean is that “female,” drawing on its formality, its unnaturalness, turns women into an object of study, that is, a specimen. One thinks of the phrases “Look at that group of females” or “The females are approaching”—in either case, the utterer treats the women in question as they would an animal in the wild, a variant of Homo sapiens that is either mysterious, dangerous, or even both. There is an air of caution, of wariness, that hangs about the word. The “scientist” finds himself (intentionally not neutral) in the midst of some-thing exotic. Other scholars point out that its provocative nature stems from the distinction between sex (female) and gender (woman).
In short, “female” becomes a formal, scientific, and classificatory term. As “female,” the woman is reduced to a species, an object of study, a foreign or alien specimen, or—to put it in the terms of the existentialist-feminist philosopher Simone de Beauvoir—the woman becomes “other,” in fact, The Other, completely different from man. Essentially, as I interpret it, the use of “female” amounts to an over-rationalization of women in response to their perceived irrationality. What I mean is, a common stereotype of women is that they are overly emotional, and they never say what they mean, making it hopeless for us men to understand them and what they want from us; and in response to this incomprehension on our parts, we decide to impose our “superior rationality” upon them, like the scientist upon an insect, in hopes of figuring them out and discovering what makes them tick. Members of the incel community have also contributed a word of their own: femoid, short for “female humanoid.” Clearly, this is even more dehumanizing and repugnant than the use of female.
So, as a matter of fact, having taken this all into consideration, the “f” in “Female” can stand for funny if we so wish and open up our minds a little bit. If I had more followers, or if my blog were seen by more people, then I would probably be more hesitant to publish this for fear of being called a “simp,” but fortunately for me, that is not the case.
The question of irony
From what has just been said, it would appear sexism is a big problem on TikTok. But earlier I raised a question that is hitherto unanswered. In my opinion, we are faced with an even bigger, more serious problem. We must ask the question earnestly: Do people mean what they say? Are problems like sexism, racism, homophobia, and more caused by people with misguided beliefs—or, at the end of the day, is it all some big joke? Are the trends which indict both women and men* (I know I haven’t addressed sexism toward men, but it is a big problem in itself, perhaps worthy of a separate blog) motivated by actual internal values or are they just playful contributions? The problem, as I see it, is one of irony, for today is the Age of Irony, as I like to say.
In the 21st-century, irony has become incredibly complex, so much so that we can speak of things ironically, by which we do not mean what we say; “unironically,” by which one comes to like a thing after merely pretending to; “post-ironically,” by which one pretends not to mean what one says; and “meta-ironically,” by which what one says is meaningless and fluid. Accordingly, in this yawning abyss that opens before us in the absence of truth, we ask, Why do we say what we say on TikTok? At this point, we must dive into the deeper psychological and philosophical underpinnings of trends and how we participate in them. Psychologists distinguish between three main forms of social influence and their motivators:
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Compliance: Do we say what we say in order to gain rewards and avoid punishments? For instance, do we post a video of ourselves making a racist joke because we know that such humor is liked by many, and we expect to get a lot of likes and followers from it? One of the sad things I have observed on TikTok is the self-degradation in which some girls engage, seemingly for this reason; they “go along” with gender roles to elicit the approval of male followers. Of course, I do not want to generalize: some do genuinely believe in such roles, but what I am concerned about is when girls do it solely for attention, even when they know it is false. One is (seemingly) forced to put aside one’s internal convictions in favor or public approval. Another problem associated with this comes up when we consider the number of young TikTok users: What happens to young, impressionable kids who see the divisive comments and offensive videos, and are thus socialized to find it acceptable?
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Identification: Do we say what we say in order to belong to a group? As a male, I feel a kinship with my fellow guys; a girl, similarly, will feel a kinship with her fellow “gals.” This is a natural thing for us to do. But another thing which is natural yet should be avoided because it is harmful is what I discussed earlier: group polarization and in-group favoritism. When we are in any conflict, we will usually side with our tribe. At that point, communication between the two camps is fruitless. This, in turn, leads to the in- and out-group homogeneity effects. When this happens, we see the group of which we are a part as being alike in its virtues, and the group to which we are opposed as being alike in its vices. Seen from the perspective of sex, boys might say, “All girls are the same: they’re promiscuous and stupid, whereas we boys have each other’s backs and are funny,” and girls might say, “All boys are the same: they’re cheaters and objectifying, whereas we girls are compassionate and loyal.” Do some say what they say because they have been indoctrinated by the all-encompassing monolith known as “The Boys”?
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Internalization: Do we say what we say in order to get our views across? Put in terms of sex: Are people sexist? This explanation does not have to do with influence; internalization means that we have encountered a belief and adopted it for ourselves. One who has internalized the belief that men are funnier than women is not saying sexist remarks because one has social needs, but because one is sexist, plain and simple. This also makes it the hardest explanation to tackle because it is hard to change someone’s mind when it is already made up. In TikTok comments, one can read such things as “The girls are pressed now” or “All the females are silent because they can’t respond.” While these may have merit to them, they are also inherently provocative; the very post on which they are made was created to elicit these responses due to their beliefs. Both men and women are guilty here, as they often post videos which are controversial because they want to blame the other sex, resulting in conflicts which divide even more.
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Probably a little bit of all of them.
From what I have just sketched, it is apparent that ideas and values are difficult to communicate seriously these days. In our liberal era, it is difficult for many to express themselves if they feel their opinions are not mainstream; conservatives and right-leaning people, finding themselves cornered, unable to openly say what they feel, may fall back upon irony as a defense and shield to deflect criticism, or they will appeal to some conspiracy like that of “postmodern cultural Marxism’s attempt to destroy Western Civilization by means of identity politics.” Thus, when faced with backlash, one can easily say, “I didn’t mean it, it was just a joke”—but was it? That is the difficulty. It is hard to tell what one truly believes in these days.
The German philosopher Martin Heidegger illuminated how this ambiguity results from trend-following in his famous 1927 book Being and Time. His term for this phenomenon was Gerede, which translates from German into “idle talk.” According to Heidegger, idle talk is intrinsically inauthentic because it is mediatory. What did he mean by “inauthentic”? The German word for authentic, eigentlich, derives from the word for “own,” eigen. Therefore, something inauthentic is something that is “not one’s own”; it is insincere, disingenuous, false. When he said that this kind of talk is mediatory, he meant that information gained through idle talk is never gained through oneself, but always through others. As such, I cannot claim it as “my own” knowledge.
To use an example, just a couple of weeks ago, there was a trend—now dead—on TikTok in which people found it funny to post their reactions to a video of a baby with stuff on its mouth, in which they would say things like, “Why does he like middle-aged?”, “I really wanna hit that baby so hard,” “I can tell he smells like ketchup,” and other stupid things. You have to ask: would they really do the things they said if they found themselves face-to-face with that child? Of course not. They said it to be funny, because it was “the trend.” But this is not what is most interesting about the trend, no; what is most interesting about this particular trend is that one did not have to see the original in order to know and follow it. The TikTokker I was watching on live stream herself said, “I didn’t see it [the video of the baby] before it got popular,” and yet she knew what it was. One hears of it from others.
As Heidegger put it, idle talk is hearsay. The word hearsay is interesting in that it is self-evident: it literally means “hear, then say.” One hears about a trend and, without giving any thought about it, without being critical, passes it on. Communication, which for Heidegger functions as uncovering—language reveals a situation—becomes covering-up instead. When we should be looking for the original, we cover up the very origin, thus obscuring its meaning. We misunderstand a trend to be understood. “Oh, well everyone knows about the baby video, though,” one says, concealing one’s misunderstanding. Through idle talk, beliefs and opinions and values are picked up and “passed along,” as through a game of telephone. On TikTok, “everything (and at bottom nothing) is happening” (Heidegger, Being and Time, p. 219) Should you take just a moment to break this idle talk down, however, you will discover its baselessness easily. If you were to ask someone why they hated the baby, for example, they would not be able to give you an authentic reason, that is, a reason of their own. There is nothing backing their beliefs; it is unsubstantiated; it is unreflective.
Moreover, ambiguity results from a lack of intention, Heidegger said. It is not as if, in spreading the baby video, the person genuinely hated the baby and wanted to deceive others with their opinions; rather, idle talk is pervasive precisely because it is intentionless: it is mindlessly, unthinkingly, and uncritically absorbed information that has not been digested. Idle talk quickly becomes normative and prescriptive when it is mixed with lots of free time needing to be filled with entertainment, for the TikTok filter bubbles created by collaborative filtering that I discussed earlier conditions “what to watch,” i.e., whatever appears on the “For You” page.
Psychologically, this resembles something known as “pluralistic ignorance.” A social psychologist writes, “[W]e often misperceive what is normative, particularly when others are too afraid or embarrassed to publicly present their true thoughts, feelings, and behaviors” (Kassin, Social Psychology, 8th ed., p. 261). Pluralistic ignorance is when we disagree with something but support it openly because we assume everyone else supports it. If there is some prevailing view, like that of sexism, against which I am opposed, yet I see video after video voicing it, then I might think to myself, “Oh, everyone else supports it, and I can’t be the only left out, so I guess I’ll hop on the trend”—even when everyone else, deep down, feels the same way. Thus, some end up participating unwillingly. It reminds one of dramatic irony; it is as if we are actors in a tragic drama, the way we succumb to a non-existent threat.
However, we must not forget that there are people out there who, through their courage, and despite their minority status, do speak up. As we know too well, though, whoever opposes the dominant ideology or disagrees with the majority is met with ostracism and derision. Heidegger stated, “[I]dle talk discourages any new inquiry and any disputation, and in a particular way suppresses them and holds them back” (Being and Time, p. 213). If a guy speaks up for a girl, he is automatically a “simp” or a “cuck”—notwithstanding their misapplication: those who throw about such terms do not even bother to look up what the words mean, merely taking their meaning for granted. Opinions become fixed, accepted, and established via repetition, regardless of their original meanings or histories, due to idle talk, as Heidegger would explain it.
Evidently, words like “simp,” derived from “simpleton,” and “incel,” derived from “involuntary celibate,” are overused and, as such, have lost their true meanings. Just as Le Bon explained, meaning and truth do not matter to crowds; as long as a word acquires some kind of normative significance, it can hold influence over people and their actions. As soon as a guy speaks out against mistreatment by girls, like if he had been cheated on by an ex-girlfriend, he is labeled an “incel” because that word, through careless use, somehow acquired the wide-ranging meaning of “anything remotely anti-feminist.” Yet the word should be reserved for those men who, through inadequacies of their own, among which are their extremely prejudiced views of women, expect privileges and special treatment from women. Now, if a guy says, “This one time, a girl ghosted me,” he is instantly an incel—?
What all this inquiry has shown us, at bottom, is that originality, closely linked to authenticity, ownness, is an endangered concept. To create things that are uniquely one’s own—this practice is becoming increasingly difficult. “[W]hat is genuinely and newly created,” Heidegger said, “is out of date as soon as it emerges before the public” (Being and Time, p. 218). At the beginning, I said that one of the defining characteristics of a trend is its ephemerality, its temporariness. To be ahead, Heidegger reflected, was to be on time; reflection is already behind, too late onto the scene. When one chooses to be authentic, one is left behind. I have neither the space nor the knowledge to engage in the philosophy of humor here, but suffice it to say, the question of what constitutes humor, as well as its fate in this century, becomes important, especially due to the presence of apps like TikTok. Some take the view that whatever is mainstream is unfunny; a good joke is one that belongs to the few and which, for that reason, is appreciated for its comedic value. But once a joke becomes a trend, enters into the mainstream, it erodes like a cliff exposed to water, becoming overused, annoying, and predictable—predictability, the death knell of humor. As I like to say, all that is comic is novel.
Conclusion
In conclusion, we have explored what exactly a trend is and how it functions; what TikTok is and does; how trends express themselves through TikTok; and finally, what some of the ramifications are of trends on the collective conscience. As humans, we do crazy things together, and it is in our nature to then stop and ask, Why? This is why psychology and sociology, for example, are so fascinating; they help us to look at how and why we do the things we do. We learn, for example, about what enables a crowd to prosper, as well as the complex, nuanced reasons behind why we side with groups. In turn, this raises ethical questions. Is this a problem? Should we say the things we do? How do we fix it? and so on. I guess I should offer a disclaimer (more of a debrief, seeing as it is coming at the end) by saying that, for the most part, I enjoy TikTok and derive a lot of enjoyment from it. Some of the trends I criticized in this post, for example, are actually among my favorites. It is good to be able to compartmentalize, to enjoy something on the one hand and to be able to step back and criticize it on the other. Life is a pendulum swinging between humor and seriousness (where does irony lie?). It is important that we stop and think before we post or comment, but equally important that we not take jokes too seriously (what’s the line, though?). In the end, it is most important that we make the best of our time in quarantine, whether that means getting a laugh out of a TikTok, spending time with family, going outside, etc. Always remain thoughtful: the unexamined life is not worth living.
* I’m thinking here of the now-dying trend that goes “If girls do ‘x,’ then why is it bad when guys do ‘x’?”, featuring a guy standing, back turned to the camera, looking up dramatically, as if pondering this cosmic question, or a sad girl on her bed wondering, “Why is it okay when guys do ‘y,’ but when girls…,’ etc.
Several images taken from Pexel.com.
Print sources:
Sociology 9th ed. by Richard T. Schaefer (2004)
Social Psychology 8th ed. by Saul Kassin (2010)
Being and Time by Martin Heidegger (2019)
The Crowd by Gustave Le Bon (1897)
Online sources:
Glick, Peter, and Susan T. Fiske. “Ambivalent Sexism Revisited.” Psychology of Women Quarterly, vol. 35, no. 3, 2011, pp. 530–535., doi:10.1177/0361684311414832.
Haskins, Caroline. “TikTok Can’t Save Us from Algorithmic Content Hell.” Vice, 31 Jan. 2019, www.vice.com/en_us/article/kzdwn9/tiktok-cant-save-us-from-algorithmic-content-hell.
Heilweil, Rebecca. “There’s Something Strange about TikTok Recommendations.” Vox, Vox, 25 Feb. 2020, www.vox.com/recode/2020/2/25/21152585/tiktok-recommendations-profile-look-alike.
Mellor, Maria. “Why Is TikTok Creating Filter Bubbles Based on Your Race?” WIRED, WIRED UK, 2 Mar. 2020, www.wired.co.uk/article/tiktok-filter-bubbles.
Wu-Sharona, Qian. “Is Algorithm Really Isolating People in ‘Filter Bubble’?” meco6936, 9 Apr. 2020, meco6936.wordpress.com/2020/04/09/is-algorithm-really-isolating-people-in-filter-bubble/.